The Syrian crisis from a neo-imperial perspective
Kudryashova I.V.,
MGIMO University, Moscow, Russia, i.kudryashova@inno.mgimo.ru
elibrary_id: 626828 | ORCID: 0000-0003-1842-4672 |
Kozintsev A.S.,
MGIMO University, Moscow, Russia, kozintsev.a.s@my.mgimo.ru
elibrary_id: 1014407 | ORCID: 0000-0001-8037-1466 |
Article received: 2025.10.17 20:17. Accepted: 2025.12.28 20:17

DOI: 10.17976/jpps/2026.02.07
EDN: WZQWER
Kudryashova I.V., Kozintsev A.S. The Syrian crisis from a neo-imperial perspective. – Polis. Political Studies. 2026. No. 2. https://doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2026.02.07. EDN: WZQWER (In Russ.)
This article presents the authors’ interpretation of the Syrian crisis as a critical juncture that opened the way for testing alternative institutional arrangements. The main objective is to assess the prospects of Syrian statehood and its possible future forms. Conceptually, Syria is analyzed as a network of spatialfunctional nodes—the core, semi-cores, intermediate, and deep peripheries—connected through three types of interaction channels: military-bureaucratic, economic, and cultural-symbolic. The research draws upon neo-institutional, spatial, and comparative approaches. The empirical section examines six periods of Syria’s political development (late Ottoman, Mandate, early independence, Ba‘athist consolidation under Hafez al-Assad, rule of Bashar al-Assad, and the post-Assad “window of opportunity”) based on a historically oriented case study. Nodes and interaction channels are operationalized through a set of indicators, and a number of analytical assumptions are tested. The novelty of the study lies in shifting the analytical focus from the conventional notion of the “weakness of the Arab national states” toward the examination of its deeper institutional layers – a system of segmented nodes and (neo)imperial mechanisms of mediation. The findings indicate that: (1) imperial practices of indirect rule persist and continue to structure political interactions within the country; (2) semi-core cities function as key intermediaries of political integration, and their functional degradation accelerates fragmentation; (3) external patrons recurrently substitute for a weakened core, maintaining short-term governability while simultaneously reinforcing segmentation; (4) Islamic narratives can perform an integrative role only when accommodating the sectarian diversity, and their coexistence with republican principles is not inherently contradictory. In the medium term, the most plausible trajectory of Syria’s political evolution appears to be a neo-imperial governance model that combines the formal framework of the nation-state with a multilayered system of mediation and asymmetric bargaining among functional nodes and external patrons. The proposed research design has a strong comparative potential and can be used to analyze other post-imperial political systems in the Middle East. It also provides a practical basis for discussing the design of decentralized governance mechanisms, guarantees of representation, and coordination of external patronage. More broadly, the analysis of the Syrian case contributes to the ongoing debate on reconceptualizing state-centric theory within the context of the emerging new world.
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